Thursday, September 29, 2011

U.S. Counterterrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa: understanding costs, cultures and conflicts

In this Letort Paper, Dr. Donovan C. Chau examines U.S. counterterrorism policy in SSA. He begins by analyzing the policy debate in Washington, DC, especially the fundamental divergence of approaches between development and defense. From there, the paper shifts to a discussion of the attitudes and views of terrorism and counterterrorism in SSA. Vast and diverse, SSA is divided subregionally into East, West, and Southern Africa so as to highlight the different geographies, histories, threats, and perceptions.
Donovan C. Chau, Strategic Studies Institute

Wednesday, September 28, 2011

Feed the Future Guide

Feed the Future (FTF), the U.S. government’s global hunger and food security initiative, renews our commitment to invest in sustainably reducing hunger and poverty. At L’Aquila, President Obama’s pledge of at least $3.5 billion for agricultural development and food security over three years helped to leverage and align more than $18.5 billion from other donors in support of a common approach. The 2009 G8 and G20 Summits established a framework for coordinated and comprehensive action among host governments, donors, civil society, the private sector, and other stakeholders. The five principles of a common approach, first articulated at L’Aquila, embrace the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness and the Accra Agenda for Action, and were endorsed unanimously as the Rome Principles for Sustainable Food Security by 193 countries at the 2009 World Summit on Food Security.
US Government Iniciative

Africa Partnership Station

A portuguese speech about Africa Partnership Station. APS is a United States Navy military cooperation mission, focused primarily on shaping operations consistent with Building Partner Capacity, Theatre Security Cooperation plans, and Maritime Security leading to better governance. This mission is being conducted by the USN in the Gulf of Guinea since 2007/2008. We argue that this mission, part of Global Maritime Partnerships, known before as Global Fleet Station, heir the 1000 Ships Navy concept and is plenty of the novelty inside the 2007’s US Maritime Strategy, named A Cooperative Strategy for 21st Century Seapower (afterward in this document referred as Cooperative Strategy). This strategy is deeply different from the last US Maritime Strategies and stresses the importance of conflict prevention based on cooperation and sea patrolling. Consequently, the success of this novel strategy, here briefly reviewed, is tied up to success of missions like APS. Finally we will point out the probable implications of this concept and of APS mission for the Portuguese Navy.
António Anjinho Mourinha, Academia da Marinha


Sunday, September 25, 2011

Examining US Counterterrorism Priorities and Strategy Across Africa's Sahel Region

Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and other terrorist groups will always be able to find recruits among the small pool of fellow extremists who share their distorted vision of jihad, but their ability to draw active or tacit support from populations in the Sahel can be curtailed with a combination of targeted security assistance and development aid. Activities that allow local governments to reduce AQIM’s ability to operate while also undermining its appeal to potential recruits stand the best chance of reducing insecurity in the Sahel.

Lianne Kennedy-Boudali, RAND

Friday, September 23, 2011

The African Standby Force

This paper provides an update and commentary on subsequent progress. It does so without repeating in detail the background and basis of the ASF project – much of which is contained in the earlier paper.
Jakkie Cilliers, Institute for Security Studies

Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship Between Aid and Security in Kenya

In Africa, the United States military since 9/11 has become increasingly involved in providing humanitarian and development assistance; the Pentagon controls over 20% of US assistance to Africa.1 This trend is being consolidated in the new US Command for Africa that advances a role for the US military in Africa’s development. One of the models for the new command has been the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa which, since 2003, has been providing humanitarian and development assistance to “win hearts and minds” in Muslim communities in the Horn of Africa as part of a regional counterterrorism and stabilization strategy. Examining the experience of CJTFHOA in northeastern Kenya and along the Kenyan coast, this study assesses the effectiveness of the US military’s use of “soft power” in addressing the security challenges of the US and its allies in the region.
Mark Bradbury and Michael Kleinman, Tufts University

Africa and the Geopolitics of the Indian Ocean

Throughout the history of the Indian Ocean, littoral, island and extra-regional states have vied to secure their trade routes, which in turn affects Africa. By reviewing the stakeholders’ dynamics in the Indian Ocean, the implications and challenges for Africa can be analysed. The stakeholder review analyses the attributes and constituency of the Indian Ocean, develops a common position for definitions and gives a select history of the world’s thirdlargest ocean. Countries that have historically frequented the Indian Ocean continue to do so, but the intensity of their activities has increased, as their objectives centre on the common denominator of ensuring energy security and advancing maritime trade. These issues are critical not only for their survival in a world of diminishing resources and increased globalised competition, but also for emerging countries’ economies to continue to grow exponentially.

Frank van Rooyen, South African Institute of International Affairs

Sunday, September 18, 2011

African Foreign Policy: A question of Methodology

Political and economic challenges and opportunities lie ahead of the people, and the leaders of Africa, and conversely, the increase in oil revenue, foreign investment and trade relations with China and India represent challenges as well as opportunities for the continent. Thus, what will guide the decisions of Africa’s leadership during this critical period, and what course of action will lead to an African political consensus? Thus, in this article I advance a methodology for a united African foreign policy applied to two of Africa’s most urgent foreign policy challenges, the U.S. establishment of the African Command (AFRICOM), and the rapidly growing economic and political engagement with China.
Serie McDougal, The Journal of Pan African Studies. (2009)

Saturday, September 17, 2011

chinese soft power and its implications for the United States: Competition and Cooperation in the Developing World

China in recent years has been pursuing its national interests through its exercise internationally of soft power and economic power as it projects a nonconfrontational, friendly diplomacy to states in developing regions. China is using its soft-power projection to promote its own national interests, not as a direct challenge to the United States. 
Carola McGiffert (editor), CSIS. 2009.

International Criminal Court Cases in Africa: Status and Policy Issues

The International Criminal Court (ICC) has, to date, opened cases exclusively in Africa. Cases concerning 25 individuals are open before the Court, pertaining to crimes allegedly committed in six African states: Libya, Kenya, Sudan (Darfur), Uganda (the Lord’s Resistance Army, LRA), the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the Central African Republic. A 26th case, against a Darfur rebel commander, was dismissed. The ICC Prosecutor has yet to secure any convictions. In addition, the Prosecutor has initiated preliminary examinations—a potential precursor to a full investigation—in Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, and Nigeria, along with several countries outside of Africa, such as Afghanistan, Colombia, Georgia, Honduras, and the Republic of Korea.
Alexis Arieff, Rhoda Margesson, Marjorie Browne and Mathew Weed. Congressional Research Service 2011.

Friday, September 16, 2011

The United States Africa Command: Security for Whom?

This paper examines the reasons behind the latest change in U.S. policy towards Africa (culminating in the creation of AFRICOM), and argues that in spite of the declarative human security rationalisations which form part of the basis for its establishment, AFRICOM is really more about addressing American security requirements than redressing Africa’s developmental challenges.
Lysias Dodd Gilbert, Ufo Okeke Uzodike and Christopher Isike, The Journal of Pan Africa Studies

Somalia: Line in the Sand-Identification of MYM Vulnerabilities

Continuing instability in Somalia has increased concern that terrorists who seek to establish a foothold in Africa may use such insecure places as a safe haven and launching pad. Several attempts have been made to establish lawful governments in Somalia; however, warlord and clan interests have managed to take center stage among the population.
Eloy E. Cuevas and Madeleine Wells, Strategic Studies Institute

Optimizing Africa’s Security Force Structures

There is much happening in Africa that is positive — economically, socially, and politically. But a large share of the continent remains fragile, putting those gains at risk. The most pressing challenges facing many African states are paramilitary threats — threats that are beyond the ability of most police forces and frequently transcend national borders. Organized crime, rural banditry, piracy, local warlords, guerrillas, ethnic and religious violence, and extremist Islamist groups are just a few of an array of such threats.
Helmoed Heitman, Africa Center for Strategic Studies

Africa’s Fragile States: Empowering Extremists, Exporting Terrorism

Africa’s fragile states create political and security environments that enhance the leverage of Islamist extremists in their ongoing struggle with moderates for influence. Countering extremism in Africa, therefore, cannot be separated from building stronger, more legitimate states.
Zachary Devlin-Foltz, Africa Center for Strategic Studies

Twenty Years of Collapse and Counting: The Cost of Failure in Somalia

The disastrous famine in Somalia is the worst the world has seen in 20 years, and it again casts a harsh spotlight on the situation in that country. With millions of people now at risk of starvation, and appalling stories of human hardship dominating the evening news, the name “Somalia” once again conjures images of crisis and despair—a famished, suffering country peopled by pirates, terrorists, and warlords.
John Norris and Bronwyn Bruton, Center for American Progress

Wednesday, September 14, 2011

The Libyan Uprising: An Uncertain Trajectory

Libya is not vital to the US strategic interest - the country is primarily within the European strategic orbit. But Libya is an important energy exporter and the failure of the NATO intervention over the long-term can have important ramifications on US regional and international interests.

Varun Vira, Anthony Cordesman and Arleigh Burke, CSIS

Peace, security and the African Peer Review Mechanism: Are the tools up to the task?

The African Peer Review Mechanism is a novel system created by Africans to improve governance, promote compliance with global and continental standards and enhance development. Preventing and managing conflict is one of the many objectives of this process. The article examines the connections made between peace, governance and development, and how conflict-related concepts are described and interrogated in the mechanism’s self-assessment questionnaire. It analyses and contrasts how the country review reports from Ghana, Kenya and Rwanda have described and assessed conflict issues in practice. On this basis, it asks whether the APRM is incisive enough to promote peace and stability on the continent.
Steven Gruzd, African Security Review

The American Public on the 9/11 Decade: A Study of American Public Opinion

This is not about Africa. We made this exception because of the 11-9. This study is really interesting because of the conclusions. A majority of Americans believes that over the last decade the US over-invested resources in some of the responses to the 9/11 attacks and that this over-investment has contributed to America’s economic problems today. The largest numbers believe that the over-investment occurred in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and using aid to build alliances. Small numbers feel the US over invested in pursuing terrorist groups, airport security measures, and preparing first responders. Overall, two in three believe US influence has diminished in the world over the last decade, and this view is highly correlated with the belief that the US over-invested in responses to 9/11.
Shibley Telhami, Steven Kull, University of Maryland

Tuesday, September 13, 2011

AFRICOM’s Relationship to Oil, Terrorism and China

Why a combatant command for Africa? I argue that AFRICOM was formed to implement the U.S. national security strategy that seeks to strengthen states and eliminate ungoverned space, as well as establish relationships with African states that offer a means to greater state stability and foster economic development. In so doing, it counters global jihadist by denying them haven among weak governments or in ungoverned areas. It protects U.S. interests in resources by helping governments become more stable. And it competes with the Chinese approach that could worsen the status quo of ineffective states and ungoverned space. Indeed, the U.S. approach of increasing state effectiveness makes African countries less susceptible to the problems that may arise from the Chinese approach and so serves China’s interests in access to natural resources.

Carmel Davis, Orbis

The EU and China's Engagement in Africa

China’s engagement in Africa has obliged the EU to re-evaluate its own relationship with that continent. Since 2008, in an attempt to resolve the conflicts of norms and interests, the EU has proposed establishing a trilateral dialogue and cooperation mechanism between the EU, China and Africa, which so far has not yielded any substantial results. The differences between China’s and the EU’s Africa policies are mainly visible in two areas: aid and security. The contradiction between their respective aid policies lies in China’s ‘no-strings-attached aid’ versus European ‘conditionality’ or emphasis on ‘fundamental principles’. With regard to their security approaches in Africa, China’s non-interference policy and the European concept of human security are clearly not on the same wavelength. Promoting common normative values and principles is at the core of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), which is important for the EU’s self-construction at present. China’s non-interference policy is related to its domestic security and stability and in this context it engages in its own rhetoric. In matters of principle it is difficult for both sides to make compromises or accept limitations imposed by the other.
Liu Lirong, European Union Institute for Security Studies

Agreement between USA and Djibouti on access and use of facilities


Government of the United States of America and Government of the Republic of Djibouti

The Piracy and Terrorism Nexus: Real or Imagined?

The waters off the coast of Somalia and in the Gulf of Aden have been the location of a dramatic proliferation of pirate activities in recent years. Security officials around the world are concerned about the risks posed by Somali piracy to maritime shipping and to national security. These risks relate to the susceptibility of world trade shipments to terrorist attack and to the emergence of an increasingly powerful Islamist movement in Somalia with connections to global terrorist networks. Whilst Somali piracy has been the topic of growing media speculation, reliable information about the phenomenon is scant. This paper reports on research conducted in Kenya where over 100 Somalis are being prosecuted for piracy. It aims to give insight into the motivations of Somali pirates and argues that the weight of current evidence strongly suggests that piracy off the East African coast is strictly an economic crime.

Karine Hamilton, Edith Cowan University

US Africa Command: The First Three Years

This book is not academic, but is an important tool for academic researchers. It contains the history of AFRICOM, as well as its headquarters. Is an institutional book with a retrospective look.
AFRICOM

Somália: um Quebra-cabeças para a Construção de uma Nova Ordem Mundial no Século XXI

This article, written in portuguese, analyzes the reasons that turned Somalia into a failed state.

Carlos Manuel Valentim, Miguel Monteiro de Barros e Pedro Barge Cunha, Jornal Defesa e Relações Internacionais

U.S. Trade and Investment Relationship with Sub-Saharan Africa: the african growth and opportunity act

This report gives a deep look into the African Growth and Opportunity Act, a policy about US trade and investment in sub-Saharan Africa.
Danielle Langton, Congressional Research Service

U.S. Civil-Military Imbalance for Global Engagement

In this report, we can find information  about the nature of imbalance, U.S. efforts in the security sector reform in Liberia and D.R. Congo, and about AFRICOM, which stands for Africa Command.
Mark Malan, Refugees International 
Available here