AFRICOM: Um olhar mais abrangente sobre África

Africom is the most recent U.S. combatant command that includes Africa in its area of responsability. This article, written in portuguese, summarizes the its mission and action, as well as the reactions to its criation.

Pedro Barge Cunha, Jornal Defesa e Relações Internacionais

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Somalia: Current Conditions and Prospects for a Lasting Peace

In October 2002, the Inter-Governmental Authority for Development (IGAD) launched a peace process designed to end factional fighting in Somalia, led by the government of Kenya. In September 2003, the parties agreed on a Transitional National Charter (TNC). In August 2004, a 275-member Transitional Parliament was inaugurated in Kenya. In October 2004, parliament elected Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed as the new president of Somalia. In June 2006, the forces of the Islamic Courts Union (ICU) took control of the capital, Mogadishu. During the six-month rule by the ICU, Mogadishu became relatively peaceful, but efforts to bring peace did not lead to a major breakthrough. On December 28, 2006, Ethiopian troops captured Mogadishu with little resistance from the ICU. The Ethiopian intervention led to more chaos and instability in Somalia. In January 2007, the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) came to the capital, Mogadishu, from Baidoa after the ouster of the ICU.

Ted Dagne, Congressional Research Service

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Africa: US Foreign Assistance Issues

The United States provides assistance to 47 African countries, and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) has 23 missions in Africa. In recent years, U.S. assistance to Africa saw a major increase, especially in health-related programs. Aid to Africa quadrupled from $1.1 billion in FY2006 to nearly $8.2 billion in FY2009. In FY2010, Africa is expected to receive an estimated $7.05 billion. The Obama Administration has requested an estimated $7.6 billion for FY2011. In FY2009, the United States provided more than $1 billion in humanitarian assistance to Africa. Africa is also a major recipient of the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) funding, with 15 African countries currently participating in the program.

Ted Dagne, Congressional Research Service

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Libya: Unrest and U.S. Policy

Over forty years ago, Muammar al Qadhafi led a revolt against the Libyan monarchy in the name of nationalism, self-determination, and popular sovereignty. Opposition groups citing the same principles are now revolting against Qadhafi to bring an end to the authoritarian political system he has controlled in Libya for the last four decades. The Libyan uprising is occurring in the context of popular protest movements and political change in other countries in North Africa and the Middle East. In mid-February 2011, confrontations between opposition activists and government security forces in the eastern cities of Benghazi and Bayda resulted in the death of some unarmed protestors. Security forces used military force in confrontations at subsequent funeral gatherings and protests in incidents that reportedly killed or wounded dozens, if not hundreds, of civilians. Opposition groups seized several police and military facilities and took control of some eastern and western cities. Qadhafi and his supporters have described the uprising as a foreign and Islamist conspiracy and are attempting to outlast their opponents.

Christopher M. Blanchard, Congressional Research Service

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The Green Book

Muammar Kadhafi is dead and we must reflect about his controversial political perspective. In The Green Book the ditactor wrote is model of state. As an example, he considered the nation as «the individual's national political "umbrella"; it is wider than the social "umbrella" provided by the tribe to its members. Tribalism damages nationalism because tribal allegiance weakens national loyalty and flourishes at its expense. In the same way, loyalty to the family flourishes at the expense of tribal loyalty and weakens it. National loyalty is essential to the nation but, at the same time, it is a threat to humanity.»

Muammar Kadhafi

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Refining American Strategy in Africa

This is an old study from 2000, but it is very useful if you want to compare the previous and after 9/11 era. In this study, Dr. Steven Metz provides a broad overview of the African security environment as a basis for recommendations on the refinement of American strategy in that region. He assesses both the opportunities for positive change which exist today, and the obstacles. While only Africans themselves can determine the future of their region, an American strategy which discourages proxy aggression, encourages private initiatives in the economic and political spheres, and uses the U.S. military, particularly the Army, to engage its African counterparts could pay great dividends.

Steven Metz, SSI

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Tunisia Leads the Way Again

The electoral process success of the moderate Islamic Ennahda will do no harm to the chances of successful democratisation in Tunisia. Quite the contrary in fact: the new situation is favourable, because Ennahda will take on the responsability of government without being able to rule alone.

    Isabelle Werenfels, SWP

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AFRICOM: Rationales, Roles and Progress on the Eve of Operations

J. Stephen Morrison's speech in the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, Subcommittee on National Security and Foreign Affairs.

  J. Stephen Morrison, CSIS

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The Impact of the Chinese Presence in Africa

China’s recent push into Africa is driven by a desperate need to find oil and industrial raw materials to feed its resource-guzzling, and the world’s fastest growing, economy. China’s economy has grown by an average of 9 per cent per annum in the last 25 years and its energy consumption has doubled and outstripped domestic energy production. Within the decade from 1990 and 2000, China’s combined share of the world’s consumption of aluminium, copper, nickel and iron ore more than increased from 7 per cent to 15 per cent and has been rapidly growing. Rapid industrialisation has also led to industrial overproduction and Chinese firms are equally in need to cultivate new export markets for their manufactured goods.

Africa Practice

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The Pirates of Puntland: Practical, Legal and Policy Issues in the Fight Against Somali Piracy

Long the object of romanticized renderings in literature and popular imagination, piracy on the high seas seems like a barbaric chapter of history from another century that must surely have been overtaken by the modern age. While the existence of pirates in today’s world may come as a surprise to some, those familiar with the maritime industry know that piracy is alive and well in our time – in the Strait of Malacca in recent decades before Somali pirates in the Gulf of Aden shot to first place in 2008. Readers of John McPhee will also remember his recounting of pirate stories by the crew of the Stella Lykes during a voyage along the west coast of South America in his 1990 book Looking for a Ship.

K&L|GATES

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AFRICOM: The Road Ahead for United States Africa Command

The formation of AFRICOM is linked to a number of new and evolving geostrategic and security considerations that the U.S. is facing in Africa, most notably humanitarian and development interests, energy security, terrorism, failed and failing states, and may be, if we’re allowed to say it, rising Chinese intentions and interests on that continent.

Robert Moeller, Brookings Institution

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Horn of Africa: Current Conditions and U.S. Policy

This document contains the speeches of the Hearing before the subcommittee on Africa and Global Health of the committee on Foreign Affairs in the House of Representatives.

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Should Zimbabwe Join the Southern African Customs Union?

This paper addresses an important issue that has the potential to impact significantly on the economic and political stability of Zimbabwe and southern Africa: should Zimbabwe join the Southern African Customs Union (SACU)? The Zimbabwe–SACU relationship is complex, dynamic and multi-layered, making a simple yes or no answer to this question inappropriate. However, aligning Zimbabwe with the most effectively functioning customs union in Africa offers great opportunities to promote cooperation, coordination and integration between South Africa, undoubtedly Africa’s most powerful economy, and Zimbabwe. This paper, after examining the SACU–Zimbabwe relationship in terms of good governance, revenue-sharing, trade and common policies, concludes that now is not the time for Zimbabwe to join SACU. However, in the longer-term, promoting Zimbabwe’s integration with SACU, its major trading partner, has the potential to increase trade, investment and development in Zimbabwe. It could also lock-in domestic policy reform and, if accepted into SACU, add considerable legitimacy to the Zimbabwe policy environment.

Richard Gibb, The Brenthurst Foundation

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2010 Posture Statement: United States Africa Command

Every year, the commanders of the US Africa Command publish their posture towards Africa. This book contains the William Ward's perspectives, related to AFRICOM's mission and action.

William Ward, AFRICOM

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AFRICOM: The American Military and Public Diplomacy in Africa

Officials of the Defense and State departments cite a commitment to public diplomacy as an essential element of AFRICOM, the U.S. military command for Africa created in 2007. Questions remain, however, about whether a military command can and should engage in public diplomacy.

Philip Seib, Figueroa Press

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Sudanese Perspectives on the 2011 Referendum

Previously to the Sudanese Referendum, the CSIS published a report, in November 2010, about the situation in Sudan. The referendum, about the independence of half of the largest country in Africa, took place in January. The yes won.

Richard Downie and Brian Kennedy, CSIS

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Civilian and Enlisted Perspectives on the Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL)

At the request of the U.S. Marine Forces Africa (MARFORAF), The Intelligence and Knowledge Development (IKD) Directorate, Social Science Research Center (SSRC) implemented a qualitative research study in Liberia targeting civilian and enlisted soldiers’ perspectives on the Armed Forces of Liberia (AFL). The study included data drawn primarily from 40 participants. Nineteen of the participants completed semi-structured interviews and 21 participants contributed their perspectives during focus group discussions. To prepare for fieldwork, the SSRC also conducted informal interviews with 35 people to include Liberian scholars, military personnel, and Contractors familiar with the AFL reform.

Liza E.A. Briggs, AFRICOM

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Post-Qaddafi Instability in Libya

Should the Qaddafi regime fall, uncertainty over who controls Libya or whether they enjoy broad support would likely erode public order and threaten the provision of basic goods and services to the population. Such instability could not only produce a humanitarian disaster, it could lead to the emergence of new authoritarian leaders or the breakup of the country. Such outcomes would also discredit the NATO-led intervention and threaten vital European interests, including oil and gas supplies, as well as increase the likelihood of large-scale emigration. It is appropriate, therefore, for the European Union (EU) to lead an international post-Qaddafi stabilization effort, preferably under a UN umbrella, to facilitate participation by members of the Arab League and the African Union (AU). A paramilitary police force of up to three thousand personnel to maintain public security will be required in the initial stages after Muammar al-Qaddafi falls.

Daniel Serwer, Council on Foreign Relations

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Negotiating Sudan's North-South Future

This paper analyses the situation in Sudan, previously the referendum provided in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement.

International Crisis Group

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Countering Terrorism in East Africa: The U.S. Response

The United States government has implemented a range of programs to counter violent extremist threats in East Africa in response to Al Qaeda’s bombing of the U.S. embassies in Tanzania and Kenya in 1998 and subsequent transnational terrorist activity in the region. These programs include regional and bilateral efforts, both military and civilian. The programs seek to build regional intelligence, military, law enforcement, and judicial capacities; strengthen aviation, port, and border security; stem the flow of terrorist financing; and counter the spread of extremist ideologies.

Lauren Ploch, Congressional Research Service

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Security and Stability in Africa: A Development Approach

This paper seeks to overcome this lack of understanding of the significance of African security and stability by discussing the fundamental issues of economic development and political governance through which enduring stability and security might be obtained. This primer is particularly relevant for government and military officials tasked with African responsibilities but who may not possess much African experience.

Clarence J. Bouchat, SSI

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African Conflicts and U.S. Diplomacy

The Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and the American Academy of Diplomacy (AAD) cohosted a conference on October 29, 2009, to examine the role of diplomacy in U.S. relations with Africa. Discussions were grounded in the belief that as U.S. interests and engagement in Africa expand, U.S. diplomatic capacities must expand accordingly. The need to effectively manage multiple strands of U.S. investments in security, development, and conflict mitigation and management has become more complex and more important. The United States faces a far more competitive environment in Africa than in previous decades, with “emerging powers”—most notably China, India, Brazil, and a number of smaller Asian states—making major political and economic plays, and with regional organizations, transnational influences, and African civil societies asserting themselves more and more in national affairs. At the same time, the United States faces continuing constraints in diplomatic resources and personnel. In this context, the United States will need to identify how best to use its influence in Africa, which policy areas and places it should prioritize, and how to balance effectively the use of diplomatic, military, and developmental tools.

Jennifer G. Cooke and Richard Downie, CSIS

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Somaliland’s Prospects

Somaliland has achieved democracy, peace and stability largely through its own efforts. As a new administration we have also met many of the benchmarks we set ourselves for our first 100 days. With the support of our people, we are determined to go to the next level and build a state on the foundations of the rule of law, democratic principles and good governance.

President Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud 'Silanyo', Chatham House

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Radical Islam in East Africa

Historically, Africa has not been a central theater in U.S. strategic planning. U.S. interests there have been viewed as marginal, and the threats to those interests have not been considered serious enough to require the deployment of significant resources or policy attention. In recent years, however, Africa has come to be regarded as an increasingly important region, where American geopolitical interests and the potential threats to those interests are both on the rise. Consequently, the Department of Defense is abandoning its traditional policy of strategic minimalism in favor of a more robust approach, signified most prominently by the establishment of a unified combatant command for Africa.

Angel Rabasa, RAND

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Moving Forward with Constitutional Reform in Kenya

On August 4, 2010, Kenyans voted in a national referendum in favor of a new constitution, concluding a push for constitutional change that began more than 20 years ago. With more than 67percent popular support, the passage of the new constitutional draft symbolizes promise and hope in a country where political tensions have remained high since the violent aftermath of the December 2007 elections. While retaining the current presidential system, the new constitution calls for the dissolution of the position of prime minister, part of a power-sharing agreement set up in early 2008. Although there will still be a strong executive, the new reforms will significantly limit its power vis-à -vis the legislature and judiciary. The new constitution also includes reforms that address the issues of land, devolution, and rule of law.

Brian Kennedy and Lauren Bieniek, CSIS

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U.S. Counterterrorism in Sub-Saharan Africa: understanding costs, cultures and conflicts

In this Letort Paper, Dr. Donovan C. Chau examines U.S. counterterrorism policy in SSA. He begins by analyzing the policy debate in Washington, DC, especially the fundamental divergence of approaches between development and defense. From there, the paper shifts to a discussion of the attitudes and views of terrorism and counterterrorism in SSA. Vast and diverse, SSA is divided subregionally into East, West, and Southern Africa so as to highlight the different geographies, histories, threats, and perceptions.

Donovan C. Chau, Strategic Studies Institute

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Feed the Future Guide

Feed the Future (FTF), the U.S. government’s global hunger and food security initiative, renews our commitment to invest in sustainably reducing hunger and poverty. At L’Aquila, President Obama’s pledge of at least $3.5 billion for agricultural development and food security over three years helped to leverage and align more than $18.5 billion from other donors in support of a common approach. The 2009 G8 and G20 Summits established a framework for coordinated and comprehensive action among host governments, donors, civil society, the private sector, and other stakeholders. The five principles of a common approach, first articulated at L’Aquila, embrace the Paris Declaration on Aid Effectiveness and the Accra Agenda for Action, and were endorsed unanimously as the Rome Principles for Sustainable Food Security by 193 countries at the 2009 World Summit on Food Security.

US Government Iniciative

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Africa Partnership Station

A portuguese speech about Africa Partnership Station. APS is a United States Navy military cooperation mission, focused primarily on shaping operations consistent with Building Partner Capacity, Theatre Security Cooperation plans, and Maritime Security leading to better governance. This mission is being conducted by the USN in the Gulf of Guinea since 2007/2008. We argue that this mission, part of Global Maritime Partnerships, known before as Global Fleet Station, heir the 1000 Ships Navy concept and is plenty of the novelty inside the 2007’s US Maritime Strategy, named A Cooperative Strategy for 21st Century Seapower (afterward in this document referred as Cooperative Strategy). This strategy is deeply different from the last US Maritime Strategies and stresses the importance of conflict prevention based on cooperation and sea patrolling. Consequently, the success of this novel strategy, here briefly reviewed, is tied up to success of missions like APS. Finally we will point out the probable implications of this concept and of APS mission for the Portuguese Navy.

António Anjinho Mourinha, Academia da Marinha

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Examining US Counterterrorism Priorities and Strategy Across Africa's Sahel Region

Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and other terrorist groups will always be able to find recruits among the small pool of fellow extremists who share their distorted vision of jihad, but their ability to draw active or tacit support from populations in the Sahel can be curtailed with a combination of targeted security assistance and development aid. Activities that allow local governments to reduce AQIM’s ability to operate while also undermining its appeal to potential recruits stand the best chance of reducing insecurity in the Sahel.

Lianne Kennedy-Boudali, RAND

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The African Standby Force

This paper provides an update and commentary on subsequent progress. It does so without repeating in detail the background and basis of the ASF project – much of which is contained in the earlier paper.

Jakkie Cilliers, Institute for Security Studies

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Winning Hearts and Minds? Examining the Relationship Between Aid and Security in Kenya

In Africa, the United States military since 9/11 has become increasingly involved in providing humanitarian and development assistance; the Pentagon controls over 20% of US assistance to Africa.1 This trend is being consolidated in the new US Command for Africa that advances a role for the US military in Africa’s development. One of the models for the new command has been the Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa which, since 2003, has been providing humanitarian and development assistance to “win hearts and minds” in Muslim communities in the Horn of Africa as part of a regional counterterrorism and stabilization strategy. Examining the experience of CJTFHOA in northeastern Kenya and along the Kenyan coast, this study assesses the effectiveness of the US military’s use of “soft power” in addressing the security challenges of the US and its allies in the region.

Mark Bradbury and Michael Kleinman, Tufts University

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Africa and the Geopolitics of the Indian Ocean

Throughout the history of the Indian Ocean, littoral, island and extra-regional states have vied to secure their trade routes, which in turn affects Africa. By reviewing the stakeholders’ dynamics in the Indian Ocean, the implications and challenges for Africa can be analysed. The stakeholder review analyses the attributes and constituency of the Indian Ocean, develops a common position for definitions and gives a select history of the world’s thirdlargest ocean. Countries that have historically frequented the Indian Ocean continue to do so, but the intensity of their activities has increased, as their objectives centre on the common denominator of ensuring energy security and advancing maritime trade. These issues are critical not only for their survival in a world of diminishing resources and increased globalised competition, but also for emerging countries’ economies to continue to grow exponentially.

Frank van Rooyen, South African Institute of International Affairs

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African Foreign Policy: A question of Methodology

Political and economic challenges and opportunities lie ahead of the people, and the leaders of Africa, and conversely, the increase in oil revenue, foreign investment and trade relations with China and India represent challenges as well as opportunities for the continent. Thus, what will guide the decisions of Africa’s leadership during this critical period, and what course of action will lead to an African political consensus? Thus, in this article I advance a methodology for a united African foreign policy applied to two of Africa’s most urgent foreign policy challenges, the U.S. establishment of the African Command (AFRICOM), and the rapidly growing economic and political engagement with China.

Serie McDougal, The Journal of Pan African Studies. (2009)

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chinese soft power and its implications for the United States: Competition and Cooperation in the Developing World

China in recent years has been pursuing its national interests through its exercise internationally of soft power and economic power as it projects a nonconfrontational, friendly diplomacy to states in developing regions. China is using its soft-power projection to promote its own national interests, not as a direct challenge to the United States. 

Carola McGiffert (editor), CSIS. 2009.

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International Criminal Court Cases in Africa: Status and Policy Issues

The International Criminal Court (ICC) has, to date, opened cases exclusively in Africa. Cases concerning 25 individuals are open before the Court, pertaining to crimes allegedly committed in six African states: Libya, Kenya, Sudan (Darfur), Uganda (the Lord’s Resistance Army, LRA), the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the Central African Republic. A 26th case, against a Darfur rebel commander, was dismissed. The ICC Prosecutor has yet to secure any convictions. In addition, the Prosecutor has initiated preliminary examinations—a potential precursor to a full investigation—in Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, and Nigeria, along with several countries outside of Africa, such as Afghanistan, Colombia, Georgia, Honduras, and the Republic of Korea.

Alexis Arieff, Rhoda Margesson, Marjorie Browne and Mathew Weed. Congressional Research Service 2011.

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The United States Africa Command: Security for Whom?

This paper examines the reasons behind the latest change in U.S. policy towards Africa (culminating in the creation of AFRICOM), and argues that in spite of the declarative human security rationalisations which form part of the basis for its establishment, AFRICOM is really more about addressing American security requirements than redressing Africa’s developmental challenges.

Lysias Dodd Gilbert, Ufo Okeke Uzodike and Christopher Isike, The Journal of Pan Africa Studies

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Somalia: Line in the Sand-Identification of MYM Vulnerabilities

Continuing instability in Somalia has increased concern that terrorists who seek to establish a foothold in Africa may use such insecure places as a safe haven and launching pad. Several attempts have been made to establish lawful governments in Somalia; however, warlord and clan interests have managed to take center stage among the population.

Eloy E. Cuevas and Madeleine Wells, Strategic Studies Institute

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Optimizing Africa’s Security Force Structures

There is much happening in Africa that is positive — economically, socially, and politically. But a large share of the continent remains fragile, putting those gains at risk. The most pressing challenges facing many African states are paramilitary threats — threats that are beyond the ability of most police forces and frequently transcend national borders. Organized crime, rural banditry, piracy, local warlords, guerrillas, ethnic and religious violence, and extremist Islamist groups are just a few of an array of such threats.

Helmoed Heitman, Africa Center for Strategic Studies

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Africa’s Fragile States: Empowering Extremists, Exporting Terrorism

Africa’s fragile states create political and security environments that enhance the leverage of Islamist extremists in their ongoing struggle with moderates for influence. Countering extremism in Africa, therefore, cannot be separated from building stronger, more legitimate states.

Zachary Devlin-Foltz, Africa Center for Strategic Studies

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Twenty Years of Collapse and Counting: The Cost of Failure in Somalia

The disastrous famine in Somalia is the worst the world has seen in 20 years, and it again casts a harsh spotlight on the situation in that country. With millions of people now at risk of starvation, and appalling stories of human hardship dominating the evening news, the name “Somalia” once again conjures images of crisis and despair—a famished, suffering country peopled by pirates, terrorists, and warlords.

John Norris and Bronwyn Bruton, Center for American Progress

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De Odyssey Dawn à Unified Protector : bilan transitoire, perspectives et premiers enseignements de l’engagement en Libye

A french paper about the Operation Enduring Freedom.

 Philippe Gros, Fondation pour la Recherche Strategique

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The Libyan Uprising: An Uncertain Trajectory

Libya is not vital to the US strategic interest - the country is primarily within the European strategic orbit. But Libya is an important energy exporter and the failure of the NATO intervention over the long-term can have important ramifications on US regional and international interests.

Varun Vira, Anthony Cordesman and Arleigh Burke, CSIS

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Peace, security and the African Peer Review Mechanism: Are the tools up to the task?

The African Peer Review Mechanism is a novel system created by Africans to improve governance, promote compliance with global and continental standards and enhance development. Preventing and managing conflict is one of the many objectives of this process. The article examines the connections made between peace, governance and development, and how conflict-related concepts are described and interrogated in the mechanism’s self-assessment questionnaire. It analyses and contrasts how the country review reports from Ghana, Kenya and Rwanda have described and assessed conflict issues in practice. On this basis, it asks whether the APRM is incisive enough to promote peace and stability on the continent.

Steven Gruzd, African Security Review

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The American Public on the 9/11 Decade: A Study of American Public Opinion

This is not about Africa. We made this exception because of the 11-9. This study is really interesting because of the conclusions. A majority of Americans believes that over the last decade the US over-invested resources in some of the responses to the 9/11 attacks and that this over-investment has contributed to America’s economic problems today. The largest numbers believe that the over-investment occurred in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and using aid to build alliances. Small numbers feel the US over invested in pursuing terrorist groups, airport security measures, and preparing first responders. Overall, two in three believe US influence has diminished in the world over the last decade, and this view is highly correlated with the belief that the US over-invested in responses to 9/11.

Shibley Telhami, Steven Kull, University of Maryland

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AFRICOM’s Relationship to Oil, Terrorism and China

Why a combatant command for Africa? I argue that AFRICOM was formed to implement the U.S. national security strategy that seeks to strengthen states and eliminate ungoverned space, as well as establish relationships with African states that offer a means to greater state stability and foster economic development. In so doing, it counters global jihadist by denying them haven among weak governments or in ungoverned areas. It protects U.S. interests in resources by helping governments become more stable. And it competes with the Chinese approach that could worsen the status quo of ineffective states and ungoverned space. Indeed, the U.S. approach of increasing state effectiveness makes African countries less susceptible to the problems that may arise from the Chinese approach and so serves China’s interests in access to natural resources.

Carmel Davis, Orbis

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The EU and China's Engagement in Africa

China’s engagement in Africa has obliged the EU to re-evaluate its own relationship with that continent. Since 2008, in an attempt to resolve the conflicts of norms and interests, the EU has proposed establishing a trilateral dialogue and cooperation mechanism between the EU, China and Africa, which so far has not yielded any substantial results. The differences between China’s and the EU’s Africa policies are mainly visible in two areas: aid and security. The contradiction between their respective aid policies lies in China’s ‘no-strings-attached aid’ versus European ‘conditionality’ or emphasis on ‘fundamental principles’. With regard to their security approaches in Africa, China’s non-interference policy and the European concept of human security are clearly not on the same wavelength. Promoting common normative values and principles is at the core of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), which is important for the EU’s self-construction at present. China’s non-interference policy is related to its domestic security and stability and in this context it engages in its own rhetoric. In matters of principle it is difficult for both sides to make compromises or accept limitations imposed by the other.

Liu Lirong, European Union Institute for Security Studies

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Agreement between USA and Djibouti on access and use of facilities

Government of the United States of America and Government of the Republic of Djibouti

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The Piracy and Terrorism Nexus: Real or Imagined?

The waters off the coast of Somalia and in the Gulf of Aden have been the location of a dramatic proliferation of pirate activities in recent years. Security officials around the world are concerned about the risks posed by Somali piracy to maritime shipping and to national security. These risks relate to the susceptibility of world trade shipments to terrorist attack and to the emergence of an increasingly powerful Islamist movement in Somalia with connections to global terrorist networks. Whilst Somali piracy has been the topic of growing media speculation, reliable information about the phenomenon is scant. This paper reports on research conducted in Kenya where over 100 Somalis are being prosecuted for piracy. It aims to give insight into the motivations of Somali pirates and argues that the weight of current evidence strongly suggests that piracy off the East African coast is strictly an economic crime.

Karine Hamilton, Edith Cowan University

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US Africa Command: The First Three Years

This book is not academic, but is an important tool for academic researchers. It contains the history of AFRICOM, as well as its headquarters. Is an institutional book with a retrospective look.

AFRICOM

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Somália: um Quebra-cabeças para a Construção de uma Nova Ordem Mundial no Século XXI

This article, written in portuguese, analyzes the reasons that turned Somalia into a failed state.

Carlos Manuel Valentim, Miguel Monteiro de Barros e Pedro Barge Cunha, Jornal Defesa e Relações Internacionais

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